The world must prepare for a contested US election | 世界必须为美国大选的意外状况做准备 - FT中文网
登录×
电子邮件/用户名
密码
记住我
请输入邮箱和密码进行绑定操作:
请输入手机号码,通过短信验证(目前仅支持中国大陆地区的手机号):
请您阅读我们的用户注册协议隐私权保护政策,点击下方按钮即视为您接受。
FT英语电台

The world must prepare for a contested US election
世界必须为美国大选的意外状况做准备

Americans will need the support of other democracies if results are not immediately clear
如果美国大选在11月3日当天不能出结果,美国人将需要其他民主国家的支持。
00:00

The writer is an Oxford university professor and Hoover Institution senior fellow

Democracies everywhere must prepare for the contingency of a contested result in the most important US election in living memory.

Learning from the disarray around the disputed 2000 election, they should have an informally co-ordinated stance. Listening to international election monitors, they should calmly wait as long as it takes for the extraordinarily complex, decentralised US system to produce a clear outcome. Measured clarity from fellow democracies may contribute, at the margin, to a more civilised US process, and, more substantially, calm the international environment around this febrile contest.

Back in 2000, foreign leaders were all over the place. Among others, the German president initially congratulated candidate George W Bush, then withdrew his congratulations. It took five weeks and the Supreme Court ruling in Bush vs Gore to achieve clarity.

The situation today is much worse than in 2000. Because of Covid-19, more than half of all voters are considering voting by post. That would make things difficult even if the US had a climate of Buddhist calm. But its political and media landscape is now so hyper-polarised that each side has its own facts, which for the other are not facts at all.

undefined

US president Donald Trump has been furiously sowing distrust of the legitimacy of the electoral process, and especially of postal votes. “This will be the most corrupt Election in American History!”, he tweeted recently.

The international context is also less favourable. In 2000, it seemed the US was the sole “hyperpower” and democracy was triumphing around the globe. Now, the US is globally challenged by an authoritarian China, and around the world there is a democratic recession.

If current opinion polls translate into votes in battleground states, there may be no need to activate these contingency plans. If Democrat Joe Biden is seen to have won key swing states already on election night, responsible Republicans should promptly tell the president that he must accept the result.

But given that more Democrat than Republican voters are requesting mail in ballots, it is quite possible that Mr Trump could be leading on the night and then Mr Biden moves ahead as postal votes are counted. That “blue shift” scenario could mean days and even weeks of furious disputes, from polling stations, through county, city and state electoral administrations, to state and federal courts.

In a still worse case, the result could end up hanging on a decision of a Supreme Court whose composition is itself the subject of fierce partisan disagreement: a repeat of Bush vs Gore, but on steroids. In the worst case of all, controversy could stretch into January 2021 amid possible violence, market panic and worldwide dismay.

A calm, considered approach by the world’s other democracies will be most relevant in the “blue shift” scenario. These countries will have thousands of diplomats and journalists on the ground. The US and international media will be reporting this event intensively, and Facebook and Twitter are going to great lengths to stem misinformation. Although the facts will be disputed, that does not mean there will be no facts. A vital task of liberal democracies is to stick to and stand up for those facts.

In doing this, they can rely on an election monitoring mission from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, which includes the US in its 57 members. It has conducted some 370 election observation missions over 30 years and has, with US help, developed benchmark best practices for rigour and impartiality. The OSCE mission has just presented an interim report and will hold a press conference in Washington, the day after election day.

If, as in 2000, the dispute is decided by the Supreme Court, the world’s democracies will surely have to accept its verdict. But Stanford University’s Nathaniel Persily argues that long before any such judicial high noon what will be decisive is the actions of innumerable local and state officials in the more than 10,000 jurisdictions involved and of lower court judges. Some will be biased, but the majority will be Americans committed to ensuring that this time-honoured if somewhat ramshackle process is as free and fair as it can be in a time of Covid-19, populism and paranoia. They deserve our quiet support.

The stakes are so high, for us all. At worst, this could mark a further downward turn in a worldwide democratic recession. At best, it could be the beginning of a wider, global democratic renewal, so that government of the people, by the people, for the people, should not perish from the earth.

undefined

版权声明:本文版权归FT中文网所有,未经允许任何单位或个人不得转载,复制或以任何其他方式使用本文全部或部分,侵权必究。

存储芯片制造商寄望AI热潮让行业摆脱盛衰周期

市场预期,这个长期受盛衰周期主导的行业,或许正在摆脱过去的剧烈波动。

美国数据中心引发的巨大分歧

美国许多农村社区对AI基础设施本能地抵触,这使它们与白宫立场相左。

咖啡、燃料与住房:特朗普面临通胀难题

美国总统在伊朗发动的战争加剧了美国的生活成本危机。

伊朗强硬派就对美谈判问题爆发内斗

尽管该政权领导层极力展示团结,但议员们在有关德黑兰核计划的谈判问题上已产生严重分歧。

伊朗战争表明拉丁美洲的原罪已成过去

莫伊内斯:过去30年里,每次石油冲击都会击垮拉丁美洲的债券,但这一次却没有。

本田:当“梦想的力量”开始失灵

昔日日本工业界才气横溢、富于冒险精神的灯塔,如今却步履踉跄。
设置字号×
最小
较小
默认
较大
最大
分享×